List of top Questions asked in KMAT KERALA- 2022

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The object of study in game theory is the game, which is a formal model of an interactive situation. It typically involves several players; a game with only one player is usually called a decision problem. The formal definition lays out the players, their preferences, their information, the strategic actions available to them, and how these influence the outcome. Games can be described formally at various levels of detail. A coalitional (or cooperative) game is a high-level description, specifying only what payoffs each potential group, or coalition, can obtain by the cooperation of its members. What is not made explicit is the process by which the coalition forms. As an example, the players may be several parties in parliament. Each party has a different strength, based upon the number of seats occupied by party members. The game describes which coalitions of parties can form a majority, but does not delineate, for example, the negotiation process through which an agreement to vote en bloc is achieved. Cooperative game theory investigates such coalitional games with respect to the relative amounts of power held by various players, or how a successful coalition should divide its proceeds. This is most naturally applied to situations arising in political science or international relations, where concepts like power are most important. For example, Nash proposed a solution for the division of gains from agreement in a bargaining problem which depends solely on the relative strengths of the two parties' bargaining position. The amount of power a side has is determined by the usually inefficient outcome that results when negotiations break down. Nash's model fits within the cooperative framework in that it does not delineate a specific timeline of offers and counteroffers, but rather focuses solely on the outcome of the bargaining process. In contrast, noncooperative game theory is concerned with the analysis of strategic choices. The paradigm of noncooperative game theory is that the details of the ordering and timing of players' choices are crucial to determining the outcome of a game. In contrast to Nash's cooperative model, a noncooperative model of bargaining would posit a specific process in which it is prespecified who gets to make an offer at a given time. The term "noncooperative" means this branch of game theory explicitly models the process of players making choices out of their own interest. Cooperation can, and often does, arise in noncooperative models of games, when players find it in their own best interests.
Nash's model........................
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The scars of the tough battle that the RBI waged last fiscal to keep bond yields under check and to control system liquidity while managing the government's expanded borrowing programme - are evident in the Reserve Bank of India's Annual Report 2021-22. The key takeaway from the Report is that in a situation of elevated yields and persistent inflation, the value of domestic and foreign securities being held by the central bank could take a hit in FY23 as well, impacting transfers to the Centre and straining the fisc. The central bank's surplus which could be transferred to the Centre fell 69 per cent over 2020-21 to 30,307.45 crore, mainly due to the losses suffered on its holding of rupee and foreign securities. The holding of rupee securities increased due to open market operations and G-SAP auctions conducted to support government borrowing and absorb excess liquidity. The need to maintain exchange rate stability despite large foreign portfolio inflows, resulted in an increase in its dollar-denominated securities as well. With bond yields spiking sharply in the US as well as in India, the central bank has incurred mark-to-market losses on these holdings in FY22, which reduced its contingency fund balance. While the outstanding balance in the rupee securities revaluation account could absorb the loss suffered on domestic securities, almost 90 per cent of the ₹94,249 crore loss on foreign security holding had to be transferred to the contingency fund. This warranted transfer of 1,14,567 crore to this reserve to maintain the minimum risk buffer at the mandated 5.5 per cent, Besides the losses on its investments, the outgo due to its LAF operations too doubled in 2021-22 to 35,501 crore as banks parked their large surplus funds with the RBI. Outgo from these operations are likely to be high this fiscal too with the RBI shifting to the SDF rate, which is higher than the reverse repo rate. The SDF rate will also move higher with RBI's policy rate hikes, increasing the central bank expense. With bond yields expected to be buoyant and prices under pressure this fiscal due to raging inflation and monetary tightening by central banks, the RBI surplus could be lower in FY23. The problem is that the economic capital of RBI, which includes contingency fund, asset development fund and revaluation accounts now make up just 20.6 per cent of the assets, which is the minimum requirement. If the central bank's holding of rupee and foreign securities continue to suffer revaluation losses, there could be a decline in transfers to the Centre in the future too. The lower surplus transfer by RBI to the Centre for FY23 will affect the fiscal math, for which the Centre should create the budgetary space. But in these extraordinarily challenging times, the Centre and the RBI are right in giving precedence to price stability to protect future growth and stave off stagflation. The Report also points to "frailties" in the NBFC space, "in their balance sheets and (the need to) ensure robust asset- liability management". It has said that "several measures" are on the anvil this fiscal. While extending digital payments in India and abroad, the RBI has indicated a "graded" approach to introducing CBDC. Overall, the RBI's job is cut out: curtailing inflation and maintaining financial and external account stability.
RBI's dollar dominated securities has increased due to its............
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The outline of our theory can be expressed as follows. When employment increases, aggregate real income is increased. The psychology of the community is such that when aggregate real income is increased aggregate consumption is increased, but not by so much as income. Hence employers would make a loss if the whole of the increased employment were to be devoted to satisfying the increased demand for immediate consumption. Thus, to justify any given amount of employment there must be an amount of current investment sufficient to absorb the excess of total output over what the community chooses to consume when employment is at the given level. For unless there is this amount of investment, the receipts of the entrepreneurs will be less than is required to induce them to offer the given amount of employment. It follows, therefore, that, given what we shall call the community's propensity to consume, the equilibrium level of employment, i.e. the level at which there is no inducement to employers as a whole either to expand or to contract employment, will depend on the amount of current investment. The amount of current investment will depend, in turn, on what we shall call the inducement to invest; and the inducement to invest will be found to depend on the relation between the schedule of the marginal efficiency of capital and the complex of rates of interest on loans of various maturities and risks. Thus, given the propensity to consume and the rate of new investment, there will be only one level of employment consistent with equilibrium; since any other level will lead to inequality between the aggregate supply price of output as a whole and its aggregate demand price. This level cannot be greater than full employment, i.e. the real wage cannot be less than the marginal disutility of labour. But there is no reason in general for expecting it to be equal to full employment. The effective demand associated with full employment is a special case, only realised when the propensity to consume and the inducement to invest stand in a particular relationship to one another. This particular relationship, which corresponds to the assumptions of the classical theory, is in a sense an optimum relationship. But it can only exist when, by accident or design, current investment provides an amount of demand just equal to the excess of the aggregate supply price of the output resulting from full employment over what the community will choose to spend on consumption when it is fully employed.
The equilibrium level of employment is the function of
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India is back to the situation in October 2021of abysmal coal stocks in over half of the 173 thermal plants, even as a long summer lies ahead. There are just eightdays of coal stocks in thermal power stations in 12 States, even as domestic demand, according to i ndustry observers, touched a near-four decade high in the first two weeks of April. Temperatures this March and April are at decadal highs, giving rise to a coal demand-supply gap of at least 10 per cent. Outages have already begun in many States, even as coal supplies to non-power sectors have been cut. Power utilities account for about 70 per cent of coal demand, while iron and steel accounts for another 15 per cent. A cutback of coal to industry could hurt steel, cement and aluminium production, with serious repercussions for the economy. Coal supplies must be increased without further delay by addressing bottlenecks. Coal India Ltd (CIL) has been a laggard in increasing output from its mines in the last several years. During 2015, the Centre had ambitious plans of doubling CIL's output to a billion tonnes by 2019-20. Seven years hence, in FY22 CIL's output has inched its way up to just 626 million tonnes - that's a compounded annual growth of a piffling 3.44 per cent (compared to the target of about 15 per cent between FY16-FY20). Clearly, there are issues for the Centre to sort out here. Coal output has clearly not kept pace with the rising energy demand in the country. The supply shortfall has been made worse by the non-availability of railway rakes to supply coal from the pitheads to the 150-odd plants situated a good distance away. Indeed, coal output in the summer months can be improved if there are rakes to transport the coal away from the pithead (where mounds of it would be a fire hazard at high temperatures) to the power stations. It is a mystery as to why the increased capex outlays in the Railways have not translated into improvements in this crucial area. Extra rakes on coal transport routes should be deployed without delay. There is also a more endemic problem that is holding up coal supplies to power plants: the unpaid dues by Gencos to Coal India, which in turn is because Discoms have not paid the Gencos. A sum of 1.23-lakh crore is payable by Discoms to the Gencos. Meanwhile, resource-strapped Gencos are operating at a PLF of about 60 per cent. While a clean-up of the affairs of Discoms cannot be achieved overnight, a financial intervention that improves the cash flows of Gencos can alleviate the crisis. Meanwhile, there is a need to look at climate change as a factor impacting coal demand. According to a September 2021 Crisil report, coal consumption by power plants in the month of April exceeded the monthly average of 51 million tonnes in FY19, FY20 and FY 22 (FY21 being an aberration owing to the recession), and this is likely to be repeated this month as well, if rising demand is to be met. A late monsoon retreat curtails output in coal mines, creating shortages in September-October when the heat is still on, while the onset of an early summer reduces the winter window (characterised by weak demand) to ramp up output, reducing inventories. An output increase in the summer months is the best way out.
The major reason for coal shortages is
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The State of Inequality in India Report was released by Dr Bibek Debroy, Chairman, Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM). The report has been written by the Institute for Competitiveness and presents a holistic analysis of the depth and nature of inequality in India. The report compiles information on inequities across sectors of health, education, household characteristics and the labour market, As the report presents, inequities in these sectors make the population more vulnerable and triggers a descent into multidimensional poverty. Dr Bibek Debroy has stated, "inequality is an emotive issue. It is also an empirical issue, since definition and measurement are both contingent on the metric used and data available, including its timeline". He further adds, "to reduce poverty and enhance employment, since May 2014, Union Government has introduced a variety of measures interpreting inclusion as the provision of basic necessities, measures that have enabled India to withstand the shock of the Covid-19 Pandemic better". The report is a stock-taking of both inclusion and exclusion and contributes to the policy debates. The report moves beyond the wealth estimates that depict only a partial picture to highlight estimates of income distribution over the periods of 2017-18, 2018-19 and 2019-20. With a first-time focus on income distribution to understand the capital flow, the report emphasises that wealth concentration as a measure of inequality does not reveal the changes in the purchasing capacity of households. Extrapolation of the income data from PLFS 2019-20 has shown that a monthly salary of Rs 25,000 is already amongst the top 10% of total incomes earned, pointing towards some levels of income disparity. The share of the top 1% accounts for 6-7% of the total incomes earned, while the top 10% accounts for one-third of all incomes earned. In 2019-20, among different employment categories, the highest percentage was of self-employed workers (45.78%), followed by regular salaried workers (33.5%) and casual workers (20.71%). The share of self-employed workers also happens to be the highest in the lowest income categories. The country's unemployment rate is 4.8% (2019-20), and the worker population ratio is 46.8%. In the area of health infrastructure, there has been a considerable improvement in increasing the infrastructural capacity with a targeted focus on rural areas. From 1,72,608 total health centres in India in 2005, total health centres in 2020 stand at 1,85,505. States and Union Territories like Rajasthan, Gujrat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Chandigarh have significantly increased health centres (comprising of Sub-Centres, Primary Health Centres, and Community Health Centres) between 2005 and 2020, The results of NFHS-4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21) have shown that 58.6% of women received antenatal check-ups in the first trimester in 2015-16, which increased to 70% by 2019-21. 78% of women received postnatal care from a doctor or auxiliary nurse within two days of delivery, and 79.1% of children received postnatal care within two days of delivery. However, nutritional deprivation in terms of overweight, underweight, and prevalence of anaemia (especially in children, adolescent girls and pregnant women) remains areas of huge concern requiring urgent attention, as the report states. Additionally, low health coverage, leading to high out-of-pocket expenditure, directly affects poverty incidences. According to the report, education and household conditions have improved enormously due to targeted efforts through several social protection schemes, especially in the area of water availability and sanitation that have increased the standard of living. It is emphasised that education and cognitive development from the foundational years is a long-term corrective measure for inequality. By 2019-20, 95% of schools have functional toilet facilities on the school premises (95.9% functional boy's toilets and 96.9% functional girl's toilets). 80.16% of schools have functional electricity connections with States and Union Territories like Goa, Tamil Nadu, Chandigarh, Delhi, Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu, Lakshadweep and Puducherry have achieved universal (100%) coverage of functional electricity connections. The Gross Enrolment Ratio has also increased between 2018-19 and 2019-20 at the primary, upper primary, secondary and higher secondary. In terms of improvement in household conditions, emphasis on providing access to sanitation and safe drinking water has meant leading a dignified life for most households. According to NFHS-5 (2019-21), 97% of households have electricity access, 70% have improved access to sanitation, and 96% have access to safe drinking water.
Which one of the following is NOT correct asper the above passage?
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Indian Railways (IR) measures the punctuality of trains at the terminating stations. In other countries, it is measured at the originating point, intermediata station, and at terminating stations. In addition, for measuring punctuality, IR provides an allowance of 15 minutes delay with reference to the scheduled time. Other countries have much stricter thresholds as given follows. Japan in seconds, Netherland 3 minutes, Russia and Germany in 5 minutes, Great Brittan in 10 minutes. Even with a low benchmark and higher threshold, the punctuality of Mail/Express trains over IR declined from 79 per cent (2012-13) to 69.23 per cent (2018-19) that ton at the terminating stations only. As per the ICMS report, the poorest punctuality arnong the zones were in NCR during 2012-13 and 2018-19. In 2015-16, out of 5.85 lakh traine, 1.27 lakh Express trains reached the destination station with delay. During 2018-19, number of delayed trains increased by 43 per cent. Out of 6.22 lakh trains, 1.82 lakh trains did not meet the punctuality yardstick of 15 minutes. Three zonal railways ways-NCR ECR and NR-contributed 100 and 67 per cent in total delay of IR during 2015-16 and 2018-19. Review of the Complaint Management System by by Audit revealed that there was sharp increase in the number or of complaint cases on a of punctually in IR. Duning the period 2015-16, 2016-17 and 2017-18 the number of complaints that were lodged in the system for late e running of trains was 9112, 20,025 and 35,793 res actively The complaints increased to 40,077 (an increase of 340 per cent over the year 2015-16) in 2018-19. Audit analysed the data for Mal/Express trains for 2016-17, 2017-18 and 2018-10 from ICMS report number 201 and noticed that on an average 13,15,450 trains are reported through ICMS per annum. Of these, only 29.64 per cent of trains (3,80,877 trains) reached on time (RT) and 20.17 per cent of trains (2.65,301 trains) arrived before time (IT). Remaining 50.18 per cent of trains (6,60,188 raine) are delayed. Before time cases indicates poor timetabling by provision of extra running time, Ministry of Railways stated (November 2021) that IR measures punctuality on terminating basis However, monitoring of running r is done on continuou ous and real-time basis. To put the punctuality performance in perspective it is to be noted that between 2012-2013 and 2018-2019, the train services have increased In numbers by 20 O per cent. Audit is of the view that Punctuality massured on terminating bels does not conform to global best practicos. Audit noticed that by computerized timetabling, grouping of trains, conflict resolution and integrated maintenance, punctuality of trains can be improved.
From the above analysis it is known that some trains reach the destination before the scheduled time. What is the reason?
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The capability approach is a broad normative framework for the evaluation of individual well-being and social arrangements, the design of policies and proposals about social change in society. The capability approach is used in a wide range of fields, most prominently in development thinking, welfare economics, social policy and political philosophy. It can be used to evaluate a wide variety of aspects of people's well-being, such as individual well-being, inequality and poverty. It can also be used as an alternative evaluative tool for social cost-benefit analysis, or to design and evaluate policies, ranging from welfare state design in affluent societies, to development policies by governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in developing countries. In academia, it is being discussed in quite abstract and philosophical terms, but also used for applied and empirical studies. In development policy circles, it has provided the foundations of the human development paradigm. The core characteristic of the capability approach is its focus on what people are effectively able to do and to be, that is, on their capabilities. This contrasts with philosophical approaches that concentrate on people's happiness or desire-fulfilment, or on theoretical and practical approaches that concentrate on income, expenditures, consumption or basic needs fulfilment. A focus on people's capabilities in the choice of development policies makes a profound theoretical difference, and leads to quite different policies compared to neo-liberalism and utilitarian policy prescriptions. Some aspects of the capability approach can be traced back to, among others, Aristotle, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx, but the approach in its present form has been pioneered by the economist and philosopher Amartya Sen, and more recently also been significantly developed by the philosopher Martha. Sen argued that in social evaluations and policy design, the focus should be on what people are able to do and be, on the quality of their life, and on removing obstacles in their lives so that they have more freedom to live the kind of life which, upon reflection, they find valuable: "The capability approach to a person's advantage is concerned with evaluating it in terms of his or her actual ability to achieve various valuable functionings as a part of living. The corresponding approach to social advantage -for aggregative appraisal as well as for the choice of institutions and policy - takes the set of individual capabilities as constituting an indispensable and central part of the relevant informational base of such evaluation"
The main theme of the above passage is....